WASHINGTON, George. Autograph letter signed ("G: o Washington"), to John Armstrong (1717-1795), Mount Vernon, 25 April 1788. 4 o , 7 pages on two bifolia (9 x 7 3/8 in.). Professionally conserved: two horizontal folds neatly reinforced, slightly obscuring some text, light dampstains to page [4], left-hand margins of pages [1] and [4] with narrow strip from old mount.
WASHINGTON, George. Autograph letter signed ("G: o Washington"), to John Armstrong (1717-1795), Mount Vernon, 25 April 1788. 4 o , 7 pages on two bifolia (9 x 7 3/8 in.). Professionally conserved: two horizontal folds neatly reinforced, slightly obscuring some text, light dampstains to page [4], left-hand margins of pages [1] and [4] with narrow strip from old mount. "I DOUBT WHETHER THE OPPOSITION TO THE CONSTITUTION WILL NOT ULTIMATELY BE PRODUCTIVE OF MORE GOOD THAN EVIL" THE FRAMERS "HAVE THROWN NEW LIGHT UPON THE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT, THEY HAVE GIVEN THE RIGHTS OF MAN A FULL AND FAIR DISCUSSION" "THAT THE PROPOSED CONSTITUTION WILL ADMIT OF AMENDMENTS IS ACKNOWLEDGED BY ITS WARMEST ADVOCATES". A lengthy, measured but forceful statement of Washington's private views on the newly drafted Constitution. The historic letter was penned during the bitter and contentious national debate over ratification. Washington had played a key role as President of the Continental Congress, overseeing the drafting of the new, desperately needed Federalist compact of government. Armstrong had served in the French and Indian War and in the Revolution, and Washington recalls a comment Armstrong made to him in 1787, predicting that his "'domestic retirement must suffer an interruption'" by "another tour of duty" to preside over the secret Constitutional Convention at Philadelphia between May and September 1787. "This took place, Washington says, "notwithstanding it was utterly repugnant to my feelings, my interests, and my wishes; I sacrificed every private consideration and personal enjoyment to the earnest & pressing solicitude of those who saw, & knew the alarming situation of our public concerns, and had no other end in view but to promote the interest of their Country..." To refuse "might, on my part be construed as a total dereliction of my Country." The labors of that long, hot summer--with windows shut in the chamber to keep prying ears from knowing the delegates' business!--was more than worth the inconvenience. Washington is extremely pleased with the new charter and has "no doubt" that if the new Constitution gets ratified, "those persons who are chosen to administer it, will have wisdom enough to discern the influence which their examples as rulers & legislators may have on the body of the people; and will have virtue enough to pursue that line of conduct which will most conduce to the happiness of their country." For "the first transactions of a nation, like those of an individual as on his entrance into life, make the deepest impression, and are to form the leading traits in its character." He feels confident the members of the new government will "pursue those measures which will best tend to the restoration of public & private faith, & of consequence promote our national respectibility & individual welfare." Washington's key role in leading the Convention, his signature on the new charter, and the foregone certainty that he would be the first President to hold the unprecedented powers of a chief executive, went a long way to convincing many Americans to accept this new plan. But there was by no means unanimous support as each State assembled in conventions to ratify or reject the compact. Nine of thirteen affirmations were required for adoption, and many so-called anti-Federalists feared the emergence of a powerful, centralized national government. They sought to either reject the Constitution outright, or hamstring the government's powers with amendments. Washington objects to this course. "That the proposed Constitution will admit of amendments is acknowledged by its warmest advocates;" he tells Armstrong, "but to make such amendments as may be proposed by the several States the condition of its adoption, would, in my opinion, amount to a compleat rejection of it." This would open the door to local prejudices and narrow self-interests. "It will be found that what would be a favourite object with one State (or one man) is
WASHINGTON, George. Autograph letter signed ("G: o Washington"), to John Armstrong (1717-1795), Mount Vernon, 25 April 1788. 4 o , 7 pages on two bifolia (9 x 7 3/8 in.). Professionally conserved: two horizontal folds neatly reinforced, slightly obscuring some text, light dampstains to page [4], left-hand margins of pages [1] and [4] with narrow strip from old mount.
WASHINGTON, George. Autograph letter signed ("G: o Washington"), to John Armstrong (1717-1795), Mount Vernon, 25 April 1788. 4 o , 7 pages on two bifolia (9 x 7 3/8 in.). Professionally conserved: two horizontal folds neatly reinforced, slightly obscuring some text, light dampstains to page [4], left-hand margins of pages [1] and [4] with narrow strip from old mount. "I DOUBT WHETHER THE OPPOSITION TO THE CONSTITUTION WILL NOT ULTIMATELY BE PRODUCTIVE OF MORE GOOD THAN EVIL" THE FRAMERS "HAVE THROWN NEW LIGHT UPON THE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT, THEY HAVE GIVEN THE RIGHTS OF MAN A FULL AND FAIR DISCUSSION" "THAT THE PROPOSED CONSTITUTION WILL ADMIT OF AMENDMENTS IS ACKNOWLEDGED BY ITS WARMEST ADVOCATES". A lengthy, measured but forceful statement of Washington's private views on the newly drafted Constitution. The historic letter was penned during the bitter and contentious national debate over ratification. Washington had played a key role as President of the Continental Congress, overseeing the drafting of the new, desperately needed Federalist compact of government. Armstrong had served in the French and Indian War and in the Revolution, and Washington recalls a comment Armstrong made to him in 1787, predicting that his "'domestic retirement must suffer an interruption'" by "another tour of duty" to preside over the secret Constitutional Convention at Philadelphia between May and September 1787. "This took place, Washington says, "notwithstanding it was utterly repugnant to my feelings, my interests, and my wishes; I sacrificed every private consideration and personal enjoyment to the earnest & pressing solicitude of those who saw, & knew the alarming situation of our public concerns, and had no other end in view but to promote the interest of their Country..." To refuse "might, on my part be construed as a total dereliction of my Country." The labors of that long, hot summer--with windows shut in the chamber to keep prying ears from knowing the delegates' business!--was more than worth the inconvenience. Washington is extremely pleased with the new charter and has "no doubt" that if the new Constitution gets ratified, "those persons who are chosen to administer it, will have wisdom enough to discern the influence which their examples as rulers & legislators may have on the body of the people; and will have virtue enough to pursue that line of conduct which will most conduce to the happiness of their country." For "the first transactions of a nation, like those of an individual as on his entrance into life, make the deepest impression, and are to form the leading traits in its character." He feels confident the members of the new government will "pursue those measures which will best tend to the restoration of public & private faith, & of consequence promote our national respectibility & individual welfare." Washington's key role in leading the Convention, his signature on the new charter, and the foregone certainty that he would be the first President to hold the unprecedented powers of a chief executive, went a long way to convincing many Americans to accept this new plan. But there was by no means unanimous support as each State assembled in conventions to ratify or reject the compact. Nine of thirteen affirmations were required for adoption, and many so-called anti-Federalists feared the emergence of a powerful, centralized national government. They sought to either reject the Constitution outright, or hamstring the government's powers with amendments. Washington objects to this course. "That the proposed Constitution will admit of amendments is acknowledged by its warmest advocates;" he tells Armstrong, "but to make such amendments as may be proposed by the several States the condition of its adoption, would, in my opinion, amount to a compleat rejection of it." This would open the door to local prejudices and narrow self-interests. "It will be found that what would be a favourite object with one State (or one man) is
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.jpg "Source: Christie's")
.jpg "Source: Christie's")
